17th August: The Black Day of the Chakma Community

17th August: The Black Day of the Chakma Community

‘The 17th August shall be observed as the Black Day by the Chakma community people living in the northeast India every year’ – the resolution, which was adopted in the first national convention of the Chakma National Council of India held on 24-25 March 2016 in Guwahati, Assam. Accordingly, last year the special Black Day has been observed at the same time in the Chakma inhabited areas of Assam, Mizoram, Tripura and Arunachal Pradesh of India. Besides, the day has also been observed in Kolkata, New Delhi, Mumbai, Bengaluru, etc. cities. Like every year, this year too, this day will be observed as Black Day. However, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, there will be no processions or rallies this year. Instead, a virtual discussion meeting will be held, which will be broadcast live on Facebook and Facebook pages. The online discussion will be attended by people of the Chakma community from different states and regions of India and from different parts of the world, including journalists and civil society, regardless of race, religion or party affiliation.

#Why this decision:

Now naturally, the question may happen to arise in many – why to observe the day? Why the 17th August has been identified as the ‘Black Day’ by the Chakma society of India and the outer world? Here, it necessitates to put some light in this regard to satisfy the query and curiosity of people of all walks of life and for their information as well.

As we are aware, to the Indian people of all strata, the 15th August 1947 was the day of enjoying the taste of brightened, proudly and ever-memorable-so-longed freedom breaking the chain of British domination. But many of us are not aware that the15th August was the day overwhelmed with extreme anxiety and depression to the people of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). Though the CHT people, having been sentimentally driven in oneness together with the freedom-loving people of India, hoisted the tricolor flags atop their own lanes yet the worry continued to reign in their mind. Because, there had been the uncertainty as to whether CHT would be annexed to India or be tagged with Pakistan. In no time of passing two nights tensed with uncertainty, it came to be known officially that CHT region was awarded to Pakistan on 17th August 1947. In factual reality, the 17th August 1947 was the day extremely unendurable and nightmarish to the Chakma community people as a whole and it was beginning of a ‘black chapter’ in the history. Ever since that very day, though it has passed 72 years, the two queries that go round searching for the right answers are:

On what basis of the principles, the Bengal Boundary Commission declared the 98.5% non-Muslim-inhabited CHT to have been annexed to Pakistan?

Was it the fact that the then Indian leadership had been incapable of taking remedial action upon such injustice?

The Black Day is a representational expression of untold woes that includes: the agony for unavailability of the right answers to the questions; to speak the truth, direct sufferings from bad effects of the unjustified partition in 1947; anger, speechlessness and pressing conscience created out of ever-flowing nightmare, miseries, instability, helplessness, sufferings for the termed emigrants in own birth land, ethnic cleansing, etc. amid the Chakma community society – ‘a people’ branded afresh as so called Diaspora of South Asia.

Now, let’s have a look back on some events of contemporary period of the country’s partition. But it is felt necessary at least to have a concise discussion about the British royal officials and Indian leaders involved in the partition mechanism.

In order to translate will of the British government through somehow giving birth to two separate states in coordination with consent of the Indian leaders, in March 1947, there had been sent such a royal figure as the new Vice Roy who was sovereign from the Cabinet of England and had the capacity to decide at his own; and he was none other than the blue-blooded Lord Luis Francis Albert Victor Nicholas George Mountbatten, in short, Lord Mountbatten. Before leaving for India, he told his cousin brother, the British-India Emperor George-VI that he would stay in India till July 1948 and not for even one day more beyond the timeline. After arrival in India, having met with Gandhiji separately, he had random talks with the leaders of two contending parties of Indian National Congress and Muslim League; and for partition of India, he organized two Commissions namely, Bengal Boundary Commission and Punjab Boundary Commission to determine the boundary lines.

Each Commission had 4 members apart from the Chairman concerned.  For both the Commissions the person appointed as Chairman was Sir Radcliffe who had never landed in India earlier (Being so was said to be criterion of impartiality!). Sir Radcliffe arrived in India on 8 July 1947. His given tenure was only 5 weeks or 35 days. It was fact that within a time span of 36 days, having completed the boundaries of two countries including maps, documents, etc. (of course, barring verification of all boundaries) he left for England at late hours of 13 August 1947 i.e. on 14 August 1947. Now question arises as to how he had completed the hardest job of parting India within so short a time limit? It is a matter to regret that it lacks enough space to analyze and judge the issue. Because Radcliffe bagged all the documents including the letters of objections that he had used, only to reduce them to ashes as soon as reaching England.

Things being so, having reviewed the materials available with the write-ups of various authors, some information has been furnished herein below:

1) Final report of the Boundary Commissions was though made available to Lord Mountbatten on 13 August, it was distributed to the National Congress and Muslim League offices in the afternoon on 16 August 1947. Then, is it that the leaders of both the parties including Nehruji and Muhammad Ali Jinnah already knew the last partition information? If not, how did they celebrate their respective independence days?

2) If they had already known, then why the Provincial governments had not been pre-alarmed to prevent the communal riots that underwent during the partition hours? As such, at least losing lives of some souls would have been avoided.

3) Boundary line award of India and Pakistan was finalized on 13 August 1947 and it was duly informed to Nehruji and Patelji on time. It was said that Patelji got furious to see the annexation of CHT to Pakistan and wrote a letter with harsh words to Lord Mountbatten. Even then, why the issue was not rectified promptly? Was it just an eye wash?

4) 19th July 1947, was the scheduled day for hearing on the CHT issue by the Bengal Boundary Commission and the Commission Chairman Radcliffe was not present in the meeting that day. Then why such situation was to arise? Was it just to skip various aspects of the CHT issue? On the other hand, though weighty leaders from Muslim League were present during the hearing, none as such from the National Congress was present in the hearing. The other side of the coin was that the party with which the hearing was to be heard, none from their leadership was invited to the meeting – no opinion from them was heard.

5) From among the 4 members of the Commission, two members namely, Justice Bijan Kumar Mukherjee and Justice Charu Chandra Biswas submitted a 7-page-strongly-argued report to the Commission against ceding of the CHT to Pakistan during hearing on 13 August 1947, the issue of which Radcliffe did not pay importance and rejected straight way.

6) Justice Muhammad Munir, member of Punjab Boundary Commission expressed his astonishment at annexation of the CHT to Pakistan. According to him, the act had been absolutely out of the given principles.

7) Indigenous leader Joy Paul Singh, member of the Indian Constituent Assembly, while protesting against inclusion of the CHT in Pakistan, said that the wrong ought to have been rectified.

8) What is the reason on part of Sir Cyril Radcliffe to bag all the Boundary Commission papers and burn them to ashes in England? Was it an attempt to get the evidences of sinuous deeds on the CHT and Punjab disappeared for once and all?

9) It is learnt that on issue of the CHT’s annexation to Pakistan, Radcliffe’s principal argument was: ‘This region is located at the very brink line. It has no geographical linkage with the West Bengal and if it is not annexed to Pakistan; its economy will soon get collapsed’ and so on. Such were Radcliffe’s lame arguments – like that of the tale of ‘Tiger and the lamb.’ By some reasons or the other, lamb has to be killed. Otherwise, why had he by-passed the geographical linkage with Assam? In this regard, Sneha Kumar Chakma, an indisputable leader of the CHT, had repeatedly informed the Commission and Congress leaders through Memorandum since inception of the Bengal Boundary Commission.

10) Later, during post partition, once Nehruji openly admitted that annexation of the CHT to Pakistan had been a blunder. If Nehruji’s remorse had been true, why he did not step up remedial action by raising the issue at international level during his life time. In this regard, subject to analysis and judging the available holistic information and data, it may be concluded that the future of the CHT had not been given thought with sympathy by the Indian leaders and the British royal figures, at all. Thus, the indifference had comprised the historical blunder. Otherwise, how the region inhabited by 98.5% non-Muslim was ceded to the Islamic state Pakistan? Nobody can say for a certain as to whether the historical blunder will be rectified in the future. In this backdrop, the generation of 21st century has declared the 17th August as Black Day for commemoration of the past wrongs by own nationals – with a hope that out of recalling, our nationals will be able to gain back self-motivational force.

#Conquest of the Chakma Kingdom by British:

A long time before advent of the British in India, the Chakma community people had a footing over various areas of Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region touching the Southeast India and Burma border lines. By then, they had developed a strategic friendly tie with the Mughal authority of Chittagong through paying 11 mounds of corpus as tax and continued to retain their self-determining right and sovereignty of their land. With this, predecessors of the Chakma dynasty had accepted the Mughal’s royal title ‘Khan’ as a symbol of alliance. During the time of British arrival, kingdom area of the Chakmas was: on the east Kuki kingdom (Mizoram) and Arakan province of Myanmar, Nizampur Road of Chittagong on the west, the Feni River of Hill Tripura on the North and on the South Chittagong district and beach of the Bay of Bengal (Cox’s Bazar and the adjoining areas by the confluence of the Naaf River).

The British East India Company, after winning the Plassey War in 1757, gained the Diwani of Suba-Chittagong in 1760 by merit of which became active to conquer the adjoining Chakma kingdom, the hilly region. Consequently, the British earned hostility with the Chakmas and finally, this led to the war. From 1777 to 1786, despite engagement in 3 battles, the Chakma kingdom could not be brought under British subjugation. Finding no other means, the British authority resorted to policy of setting embargo on the local trade centers. In this situation, the then Chakma king Jaanbox Khan, himself, reached Kolkata deceiving the British army in 1787. He called on Honorable Governor General Lord Warren Hastings at Fort William and entered upon an Agreement known as ‘Corpus Treaty.’ Following the Treaty, the British authority brought the CHT region under British Empire by No. XXII of 1860.

It was by that time, the area of Chakma kingdom was 7000 square miles. For administrative convenience, a sizeable area was attached to Chittagong district and as a result, the area of the kingdom got reduced to 6000 square miles. With assertion of British rule, the Chakma kingdom was divided into three parts by forming the Bohmong Circle in 1871 with the South and the Mong Circle in 1884 with the North. Internal governance is assigned to each circle under the name of a king or circle chief. The CHT came to be governed by a number of laws enacted from time to time. Among them were Act No. 22 of 180 (ACT XXII of 1860), Act No. 4 of 1863 (Rule), Rule No. 3 of 1873 and Rule No. 3 of 1881. The Circles in the CHT were reorganized in 1892 by amending and changing the Regional Circle Rules of 1884. Later, a law called the Chittagong Hill Tracts Regulation was promulgated on 16 January 1900, with major changes and additions to the Rules of Governance of 1892. The Act contains the followings:

To govern the CHT district, on part of the British authority there shall be one Superintendent who will discuss with the three Circle Chiefs in administrative affairs;

For overall protection of the native subjects of the hill district, right to purchase lands or acquire land and right to reside permanently in CHT shall not be applicable to the outsiders.

The three kings shall be in competence to exercise their rights to safeguard their socially applicable customary laws as before and determined all disputes of civil affairs.

The business men of outside shall have to obtain permission from the authority to run their business inside the CHT and in that case, the tenure for the business shall by no circumstance exceed more than 12 (twelve) months.

For welfare of the native residents and law & order sake, the Superintendent shall deserve the power to expel any undesirable person from the district at any time.

It is worth mentioning that the designation of District Superintendent was renamed as Deputy Commissioner in 1867. In 1881, the British Government introduced the CHT Frontier Police Regulation 1881 and accordingly initiated to form up a local police force with the indigenous people. Much later, in 1900, the British government introduced ‘CHT Regulation 1900, which is also popularly known as “CHT Manual”. It may be said that through formulation of the act, the British government formally recognized the indigenous peoples’ rights to regional self-determination.

In later periods, the CHT was declared to be “backward tracts” in 1919 and “Excluded Area” in 1935. Effectiveness of these declarations was in force till the partition in 1947.

At the very beginning of the British rule, although there had been applied a divisive policy of splitting the land into three parts to weaken the Chakma community people and their unity, integrity and firm determination yet it is true that with the legal provision, they provided a safeguard to other ethnic national minority communities and backward indigenous peoples including the Chakma people from the economic exploitation and aggression of the adjacent non-tribal community people living in plains. This we can find if we study the chronology of introducing laws from the period of Corpus Treaty in 1787 to 1935 during which set of various administrative laws and regulations had been formulated. So, it may be said that even though the CHT was subjugated through British-brand ill Imperial policy, yet in later years, the British authority could realize that the Chakma people actually, had not been their subjects but only ‘a people’ contributing tributary to their government. It was for this reason in 1829, Mr. Haul Bed, Commissioner of Chittagong mentioned in his letter to the British authority: ÒThe hill tribes of CHT are not British subjects, but merely tributaries, and we have no rights on our part to interfere with their internal arrangements”. In practice, during their reign, the British seldom interfere in internal social system of the Chakma people.

#Partition: Beginning of Nightfall in life of the Chakma people

Standing in the Redford (Lal Qila) of Delhi at mid-night of 14 August 1947, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru as the maiden Prime Minister of India while declaring the most-desired independence of India delivered his speech terming it a ‘Tryst with Destiny’ in an emotionally driven voice, which later on, was widely discussed with admiration. On this lengthy speech someone of the poets said: The impact of independence has arrived riding on the lion (A metaphorical expression in line with the arrival of Goddess Durga, the destroyer of distress, riding on a lion). But for the Chakma people, the impact of independence had arrived riding on a monster of distress. The reason is that at the eve of gaining independence during the partition, it was solely due to utter indifference on part of the Indian leadership, with total unlawful annexation of the hill district to Pakistan, they lost their right to self-determination; their existence got endangered; their ancestral lands and homesteads got dispossessed; they repeatedly fell prey to systematic ‘ethnic cleansing’ process; got evicted from their lands in large numbers; repeatedly being victimized in communal riots; and they had to take refuge to India more than once. Now, for having been globally introduced as immigrants right being in own birth land, as ‘Diaspora’ likewise the Jews. Hence, the independence had brought in an era of darkness to their life.

The seed of country’s partition was inadvertently sown since all through the time of waging movement against the partition of Bengal in 1905. Right fourteen and a half months later of putting the Bengal-partition order into force, the Muslim League, for the first time, was established in presence of the Muslim elite class in Dhaka under pioneer role of Nawab Sir Salimullah on 30 December 1906. Initially, this new formation had no popularity. It was only the Indian National Congress, which would enjoy optimal popularity of the Muslim people. But in course of time, as many wise Muslim elites including poet Mohammad Iqbal joined the party and above all, with Jinnah at the helm, the organization began to boost up.

On the other hand, the indirect role of Hindu nationalists had an effective contribution to the rapid development of Muslim League. In fact, the higher caste Hindus enjoyed monopoly rights in education, professions, government services, other facilities, etc. throughout the Nineteen century. By then, the Muslims were far behind in those sectors. But the scenario got changed towards 1930s of Twentieth century. The seed of poisonous communal tree, which was sown in 1906, now grew up to a giant tree. Towards end of 1940s, it was found that the giant tree could not be uprooted by any means. By then the Hindu leaders of higher caste could realize that the danger was imminent and parting was the only means to protect the interest. Hence, they acceded to the proposal given in early 1947 to conclude the partition through dividing Bengal and Punjab.

It was only Gandhiji who did not accept the country’s partition. He declared: “After my death, the country will be parted on my dead body.” But none was to pay heed to old man’s words. Trivial was the country’s partition to Nehru, Patel and Azad who were extremely hungry after the post-independence state power. It was Jinnah who was also not interested in hearing any words but all about partition only. The Hindu nationalist party, Hindu Mohasabha was though initially in disagreement on partition proposal yet at last they accepted it. On the other hand, the Communist Party of India, the then third political force in respect of mass organization, was in deadly opposition to country’s partition. Yet the country got parted in a hurry. Independent India and Independent Pakistan came to existence. But Jinnah was discontentment with what had been received. He termed it to have been a moth-eaten Pakistan. He wanted from Lahore to Delhi. However, Lahore was there to derive complacency.

But the Panjabi people had remained dejected forever on loss of Lahore. Since, Lahore symbolizes the prowess of the Panjubi people and capital of the Punjub Keshari Ranjit Singh. Yet the country was parted without knowledge of the Indians about the final demarcation lines. This unleashed the bitter most consequences throughout the country. As a result of dreadful communal riot at least 10 lakhs innocent souls had been left wounded during partition. Numerous incidents of plundering, arson, rape, kidnapping and forcible conversion overshadowed the whole country. Many became homeless and aimless. At least 1 crore and 80 lakh people, for life sake, got migrated leaving behind relatives and known environment very much of their own. The migration flow, though weaker, is yet on the run – has not got stopped. Soon an agreement was signed between the Prime Ministers of the two new nations (Nehru-Liaquat Accord) for ensuring stability, safeguard and assurance of the migrated people. But the Accord was not properly respected on both sides. Consequently, the inflammation of partition took further several years to get subsided.

#Events during partition in the CHT:

On 3 June 1947, the fixed schedule of India-Pakistan partition i.e. gaining independence of both the countries was declared by Lord Mountbatten through radio and print media. It added that the British, having devolved the power to India and Pakistan, would go back to their own land. It was by then discussion among the Chakma leaders was held to determine the issue as to which side CHT would join between the two countries. The Chakma people of all strata were in unanimous opinion to join India. The reason was that the Hindu culture has the affinity with that of the Chakmas’ to optimum level. The Chakma king, royal family and the Dewan courtship held the same opinion. But the doubt that haunted in them was as to whether the statuesque of the CHT and kingship with powers would be protected as it had been with the British.

With this swaying state of mind, it was decided to send a group of representatives to Delhi soon to meet and hold a face-to-face talk with the Congress leaders. The representation will be headed by Kamini Mohan Dewan, President of Parbattya Chattagram Jana Samiti (Chittagong Hill Tracts Peoples Association), the only political organization in the CHT and Sneha Kumar Chakma, leader of Chakma students’ organization. Besides, on part of Royal family Raja Bhuban Mohan Roy, himself, assisted by Aboni Dewan, member of Jana Samiti, would lead a separate representative group. Both the representative groups separately met with the Congress President Acharya J B Kripalani, Sarder Vallabhbhai Patel and Rajendra Prasad. The Congress leadership assured them that a group of representatives would go to Chittagong to discuss on the CHT affairs towards end of that June. Justice A D Thakkar would lead the Congress representative group. Joy Prakash Narayan, Profulla Ghosh, Joypal Singh, Rajkrishna Bose and Fulban Saha would be among other members. Sneha Kumar Chakma would be the co-opted member of the representing group.

As it was assured, while the Congress representatives arrived in Rangamati of the CHT, they were accorded with due honor. During discussion, while proposal for Regional Autonomy was raised on part of the Chakma people, the Congress representatives promptly turned it down. At last, the Congress representatives were apprised of unconditional annexation to India, on part of the Chakma people. On the other end, the Bengal Boundary Commission fixed up a date, time and venue for hearing from various appellants, inhabitants of various regions and individuals of interest.

Accordingly, the hearing was held from 16–24 July 1947 at Belvedere Palace in Calcutta. The first day was for the Congress to raise demands during which a region of West Bengal measuring an area of 40,137 square mile was raised for inclusion in India. But the issue of the CHT was not for a single moment raised by the Congress on that day and the onward days. But on part of the Muslim League, a demand was placed to annex the CHT to Pakistan on 19 July 1947. The argument was: ‘though the CHT region had been shown in the map as a non-Muslim area, yet it is nothing but a pocket of Muslim-inhabited zone. Besides, there is no linkage of this non-Muslim area with any other non-Muslim inhabited region. Above all, in the entire East Bengal, it is only the CHT wherein construction of Hydro-electric dam is possible. So, annexation of the CHT to Pakistan is rational.

Thus, after having the issue of the CHT’s annexation to India left stranded, on 1 August 1947, while the concise reports of Bengal Boundary Commission and Punjab Boundary Commission were shown to the leaders of National Congress and Muslim League, by then, Sarder Vallabhbhai Patel reportedly became tempered to the extreme point at seeing the CHT’s inclusion in Pakistan. Soon he wrote a letter to Lord Mountbatten expressing his resentment. But, it was too regrettable to say that the next day was the Independence Day to be celebrated by Pakistan. What would there be by expressing resentment at odd hours?

On that day of 13th August, Sir Cyril Radcliffe, Chairman of both the Boundary Commission, in person himself, handed over the reports of Bengal Boundary Commission and Punjab Boundary Commission to Lord Mountbatten. Lord Mountbatten accepted the reports with thanks and kept the enveloped reports into a green-color leather box. He graced both the celebrations of Independence Days of Pakistan and India on 14 and 15 August respectively and in the afternoon of 16th August, he sent those reports to the offices of National Congress of India and Muslim League. The next day, on 17th August, the much-awaited Boundary Commission Reports prepared by Radcliffe were made known to the people of India and Pakistan through radio and print media. But during the previous 3-4 days, bloody riots, looting, arson, rape and kidnapping continued to happen unabatedly across various provinces, districts, and lanes and from one village to another. On the other end, the man lacked of humanitarian conscience, ‘ignorant of India’, and butcher of Boundary-report making, Cyril Radcliffe left for England on that very 14 August.

Now question arises, was it the fact that the Congress and Muslim League leaders had no knowledge of boundary line determination before 13th August? Was the Muslim League really unaware of ceding the Muslim-majority Ferojpur, Gurudaspur and Maldaha to India? Was Congress innocent of non-Muslim inhabited CHT’s annexation to Pakistan? Was it that both the parties were in relax by entrusting all responsibilities upon Lord Mountbatten and Radcliffe? Is it at all believable? Let alone the Hindu-majority Sylhet, which was ceded to Pakistan by means of forgery in the name of plebiscite. But for the case with the CHT, why Congress did not step up measure before too late? Is it not that Pakistan had bagged the CHT by raising a fallacy of having no linkage with India? This CHT had never been attached to Chittagong. Rather it had been an ‘Excluded Area.’ It was owing to this reason, CHT did not have representation in the Council of Bengal.

Hence, the injudicious people say that the CHT was intentionally put to alter of sacrifice. This seems to be apparently true. In this regard, the point is worthy to be mentioned that during partition, the issues of border security and military security of the northeast India and sea-trade had not been given thought with due importance at all. Had it been given a though over, then the advantage would have been easily available. Because, by then the River Teknaf and Cox’s Bazaar both the places were situated within geographical ambit of the CHT and Indian seaport would have been built there. At that the Indian government would not have to run with the process for taking the abandoned Mandalay seaport in lease at high cost. Even India would not have to beg for Chittagong seaport from Bangladesh.

It was true to the fact that Pandit Jawahar Lal Nehru and Sarder Vallabhbhai Patel assured the CHT representatives of CHT’s annexation to India. Hence, during partition, the Chakma leaders were ascertained in assumption that CHT would definitely have annexed to India under India’s supervision. Besides, as per the law of partition, as a non-Muslim dominated area, the region was sure to be ceded to India. Hence, on 15 August 1947, with due permission of the Deputy Commissioner, the Chakmas in Rangamati, the district town of the CHT, hoisted the Indian Tri-color flag with proudness. But it was on 17th August, the unfortunate message came to be known that the region had been annexed to Pakistan. Since then and onward, there began trouble with the   Chakma leaders as the Baluch Regiment of Pakistan pulled down the Tricolor flag and tore it off on 21 August 1947; and this wrathful action was followed by issuance of arrest warrant against the Chama leaders; visiting Delhi by the Chakma leaders; assurance by Vallabhbhai Patel or creation of resistance; promptly getting tempered on part of Nehru on hearing about resistance against Pakistan, etc. events have been dealt in other spaces for many occasions and hence, it requires no more discussion in details.

But what deserves to be mentioned here is the prompt expression of opinion or reaction that came up immediately after the declaration. For instances, Justice Muhammad Munir, a Muslim member of the Punjab Boundary Commission said: “I was quite sure that the CHT would be annexed to India.” The member of Peoples’ Council of India, Joypal Singh, one of the indigenous peoples’ leaders said: “CHT must be brought back to India.” It was Jawaharlal Nehru, himself, while addressing a mass gathering in Calcutta, said that Pakistan will be consulted on affairs of returning CHT back to India. But that discussion has never taken place. And on the other end, it is the Chakma indigenous people who for having been branded as “pro-Indian” have been carrying the ‘defamation’ during over the last 70 years ever since the independence of India and are pulling a distressed life to this day – the end of plight is known to none.

Therefore, there has been left no alternative to the Chakmas and other fellow indigenous people residing in the outer world but to observe the 17th August as Black Day while following the principle of non-violence. We are in belief that it is through this program, if the space of sympathetic discussion gets expanded by the world conscience and attention of the world human rights activists is thereby attracted, then, the CHT indigenous people would be benefitted at least to some extent.